जूठन-1 आज़ादी के पाँच दशक पूरे होने और आधुनिकता के तमाम आयातित अथवा मौलिक रूपों को भीतर तक आत्मसात कर चुकने के. Joothan Omprakash Valmiki Summary In Hindi [PDF] JOOTHAN books are NOT available for reading online or for free download in PDF or. Posté le: Ven 5 Jan - () Sujet du message: Joothan in hindi pdf Best Book Award Omprakash Valmiki Omprakash Valmiki's Joothan is among.
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"Omprakash Valmiki's Joothan, an autobiographical account of his birth and to the Hindi Edition Introduction, by Arun Prabha Mukherjee Joothan Glossary. Bachelor of Science (mountrinorthgesde.tk) (General) · Foundation Courses · BHDF Foundation Course in Hindi (COMPULSORY) · Block-3 साहित्य का आस्वादन. The title of the book, „Joothan‟ encapsulates the pain, humiliation and notion behind writing the autobiography in the preface to the Hindi edition of the book.
I and my younger sister Maya sat close to my mother in the hope that we too would get a share of the sweets and the gourmet dishes that we could smell cooking inside. When all the people had left after the feast, my mother said to Sukhdev Singh Tyagi as he was crossing the courtyard to come to the front door: 'Chowdhriji, all of your guests have eaten and gone.
Please put something on the pattal [leaf plate] for my children. They too have waited for this day.
And on top of that you want food for your children. Don't forget your place, Chuhri. Pick up your basket and get going. They continue to singe me to this day. That night the Mother Goddess Durga entered my mother's eyes. It was the first time I saw my mother get so angry. Instead of carrying on with the lesson he was going on and on about my being Chuhra.
He ordered a boy to get a long teak stick. Here, take this, I will write an epic on your body. That epic is still inscribed on my back. Reminding me of those hated days of hunger and hopelessness, this epic composed out of a feudalistic mentality is inscribed not just on my back but on each nerve of my brain.
Joothan23 Valmiki recalls another incident when he met a girl named Savita. One day, she invited him at her home for a cup of tea.
He asked to Savita when he saw scheduled caste candidate who was given a cup of tea in another pot. He asked her: You had given him tea in a different cup?
She felt the sharp edge in my voice now. How can we feed them in the same dishes? In the hotel…in the mess, everyone eats together. Then what is wrong in eating together in your home as well? Savita defended the discrimination as right and justified by tradition. Her arguments were infuriating me. However, I remained calm. According to her, SCs were uncultured.
He writes: Many friends hint at the loudness and arrogance of my writings. They insinuate that I have imprisoned myself in a narrow circle. They say that literary expression should be focused on the universal; a writer ought not to limit himself to a narrow confined terrain of life. This is my being Dalit and arriving at a point of view according to my environment and my socio-economic situation is being arrogant.
Because in their eyes, I am only an SC the one who stands outside the door. Joothan Conclusion: Meanwhile; it is also the story of a Dalit family in search of Dalit dignity and identity. A Dalit's Life, as an autobiography exhibits all the features and qualities of a true life story. These motives of Dalit literature are nicely brought out in Joothan by Valmikiji. He is the one who had suffered a lot socially, economically and culturally, and wrestled against all odds in order to cherish the dreams of his life.
Chopra, Vinodk. Devi, Manisha. Arora, Namita. Ratnaker,Om Prakash. European Academic Reasearch. Valmiki, Om Prakash. Arun Prabha Mukherjee. Samya, Journal of literature and Aesthetics. We see a full-dress reenactment of the event from the perspective of the child or the adolescent Valmiki. Many Dalit texts share this strategy of staging encounters between the Dalit narrator and people of upper castes.
Often these encounters are between a Dalit child at his or her most vulnerable and an upper-caste adult in a position of authority. The Dalit narrator lives these traumatic experiences again but this time in order to go past them by understanding them in an ethical framework and passing judgment on them, something that the child could not do.
The theoretical glossing of the experience, then, is a sort of healing, a symbol of having overcome it by naming it and sharing it with a caring community. By documenting these experiences of the Dalit child, first by theatricalizing them so that we see them for ourselves and then by commenting on them in the ethical language of guilt and responsibility from the perspective of the victim, Valmiki and other Dalit writers break through the wall of silence and denial that had hidden the suffering of the Dalits.
He relives the agony of having to sit away from his classmates, on the floor, of being denied the right to drink from the common pitcher, lest he make it jootha, and, worst of all, being denied access to the lab, which ensured his failure in an examination.
The text, as testimony to a crime suffered, acquires the character of a victim impact statement. Indeed, after losing his thumb, Eklavya could no longer perform archery. When people of high caste tell this popular story, they present a casteless Eklavya as the exemplar of an obedient disciple rather than the Brahmin Dronacharya as a perfidious and biased teacher.
When in a literature class a teacher waxes eloquent about this same Dronacharya, Valmiki challenges the teacher, only to be ruthlessly caned. The modern Dalit Eklavya, however, can no longer be tricked into self-mutilation.
While Valmiki indicts the education system as dealing in death for Dalits, Valmiki pays tribute to the Dalit organic intellectuals who help nurture the growth of a Dalit consciousness in him. Hemlal has shed his stigmatized identity as a Chamar by changing his name from Jatia, which identifies him as an untouchable, to Jatav, which is not readity identifiable.
See page This moment, narrativized at length in Joothan, gives us a key to how marginalized groups walk onto the stage of history. Valmiki underscores the way that Ambedkar has been excised from the hagiography of nationalist discourse. Valmiki first encounters Ambedkar through the writing of a fellow Dalit, passed on to him by another Dalit, in a library run by Dalits.
Valmiki mocks and rewrites the village pastoral that was long a staple of Indian literature in many languages, as well as a staple of the nationalist discourse of grassroots democracy. Valmiki portrays a village life where the members of his caste, Chuhras, lived outside the village, were forced to perform unpaid labor, and were denied basic requirements like access to public land and water, let alone education or camaraderie. Valmiki describes in painstaking detail the process of removing and skinning dead animals, curing the hide, and taking it to the hide market, which is permeated with the stench of raw hides and fresh bones.
We read about the cleaning of stinking straw beds in the cattle sheds of higher-caste villagers. He describes the tasks involved in reaping and harvesting in terms of intense physical labor under a scorching sun and the needle pricks of the sheaves of grain. Valmiki shows that he performed most of these tasks under duress and was often paid nothing.
Such a portrayal of village life is very unlike the lyric mode of Hindi nature poetry where the sickle-wielding, singing farmworker is just an accessory of the picturesque landscape. By so doing, he provides readers with not only his experience as a victim but an inkling of how some people flatly deny such experiences ever occurred.
His voice acquires a bitterly ironic tone when he addresses those who deny these experiences. In fact, one distinctive aspect of Joothan, which marks it as a Dalit text, is its interrogative discourse.
Valmiki, like many other Dalit writers, demands the status of truth for his writing, taking issue with those who find Dalit literature lacking in imagination. Dalit autobiography claims the status of truth, of testimony. Naming people and places by their real names is one strategy through which Valmiki establishes the status of Joothan as testimony.
The concrete materiality of his village and the cities that he later inhabits, and the rendering of historical Dalit protests that he participated in or wrote about in the newspapers at a personal cost, give Joothan the status of documented Dalit history.
The timbre of his voice is exhortatory. It demands answers and points out contradictions. While the text has many moments of deep sadness and pathos, its predominant mood is irony. The narrative comments are inevitably in an ironic voice, pouring sarcasm on the cherished cultural ideals and myths of high-caste friends. He relentlessly exposes the double standards of friends who are greatly interested in literature and theater yet practice untouchability in subtle ways, such as having a different set of teacups for their untouchable visitors.
Indeed, Joothan demands a radical shift from the upper-caste and upper-class reader by insisting that such readers not forget their caste or class privilege. While Valmiki directs his irony, satire, harangue, and anger at non-Dalit readers, he sees Dalit readers as fellow sufferers. While the indictment of an unjust social system and its benefactors is one thrust of the text, its other important preoccupation is a substantive examination of Dalit lives.
This self-critique has earned him brickbats from many Dalits who find the frank portrayal of Dalit society to be humiliating. For them, it is tantamount to washing dirty linen in public. Valmiki accuses these Dalits of succumbing to brahminism. His frank critique of his own family members who hide their caste and therefore deny their relationship to Valmiki in public must have been painful to the people involved, particularly because he named them.
Joothan, then, is a multivalent, polyvocal text, healing the fractured self through narrating, contributing to the archive of Dalit history, opening a dialogue with the silencing oppressors, and providing solace as well as frank criticism to his own people.
On the other hand, the harsh realities that he portrays so powerfully underscore the failure to fully meet the promises made in the Constitution of independent India.
Joothan stridently asks for the promissory note, joining a chorus of Dalit voices that are demanding their rightful place under the sun. A manifesto for revolutionary transformation of society and human consciousness, Joothan confronts its readers with difficult questions about their own humanity and invites them to join the universal project of human liberation. No translation is a replica of the original text, and every translation necessarily entails a loss.
My translation of Joothan is no Introduction xlvii exception. At times the English version may sound awkward, but I have chosen awkwardness over falsification or softening. For example, the Hindi term jatak, as used by the village upper castes, does not translate as child or children because these English words have positive connotations. I have therefore used progeny to convey the coldness and contempt in caste-inflected interactions.
The speech and conversations of his family and villagers are in local dialect but with distinct variations, the linguistic equivalent of the social distance between them. All cross-cultural communication involves a loss in meaning. Valmiki constantly worries whether savarna Hindus who have not experienced the hardships of untouchability will understand him. Limbale proposes that what the readers and critics need more than anything else when reading Dalit writing is empathy.
If this translated version of Joothan manages to engage readers by appealing to their consciousness and arousing their empathy, it will have done its job. Thus Spoke Ambedkar: Selected Speeches. Edited by Bhagwan Das. Jullundur, India: Bheem Patrika Publications. In Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches. Compiled by Vasant Moon. Bombay: Education Department, Government of Maharashtra.
Edited by Vasant Moon. Dangle, Arjun. Translated by Avinash S. Pandit and Daya Agarwal. Bombay: Orient Longman. Das, Bhagwan. Bangalore, India: Ambedkar Sahitya Prakashan. Edited by Bhagwan Das and James Massey. Ilaiah, Kancha. Calcutta: Samya. Kosambi, Damodar Dharmanand. An Introduction to the Study of Indian History. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Lal, A. Limbale, Sharankumar.
In press. Translated by Alok Mukherjee. Hyderabad, India: Orient Longman.
Mukherjee, Prabhati. Omvedt, Gail. Dalits and the Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India. Delhi: Sage. Delhi: Orient Longman. Valmiki, Omprakash. Dalit Sahitya ka Saundaryashastra. Delhi: Radhakrishna. Wankhade, M. Translated by Maxine Berntsen. Families of Muslim weavers lived on the other side of it. The pond was called Dabbowali, and it is hard to say how it got that name. Perhaps because its shape was that of a big pit.
On one side of the pit were the high walls of the brick homes of the Tagas. At a right angle to these were the clay walls of the two or three homes of the Jhinwars, another untouchable caste. After these were more homes of the Tagas. The homes of the Chuhras were on the edges of the pond. All the women of the village, young girls, older women, even the newly married brides, would sit in the open space behind these homes at the edges of the pond to take a shit.
Not just under the cover of darkness but even in daylight. The purdah-observing Tyagi women, their faces covered with their saris, shawls around their shoulders, found relief in this open-air latrine.
At this same spot they would have a conference at a round table to discuss all the quarrels of the village. The muck was strewn everywhere. The stench was so overpowering that one would choke within a minute. The pigs wandering in narrow lanes, naked children, dogs, daily fights—this was the environment of my childhood.
If the people who call the caste system an ideal 1. Taga is the abbreviation of the surname Tyagi. Our family lived in this Chuhra basti. Everyone in the family did some work or other. We did all sorts of work for the Tagas, including cleaning their homes, agricultural work, and general labor. We would often have to work without pay. Nobody dared to refuse this unpaid work for which we got neither money nor grain.
Instead, we got sworn at and abused. They did not call us by our names. The Chuhras were not seen as human. They were simply things for use. Their utility lasted until the work was done. Use them and then throw them away. A Christian used to visit our neighborhood. His name was Sewak Ram Masihi.
He would sit with the children of the Chuhras around him. He used to teach us reading and writing. The government schools did not allow us to enroll. My family sent only me to Sewak Ram Masihi. My brothers were all working. There was no question of sending our sister to school. One day Sewak Ram Masihi and my father had an argument. My father took me to the Basic Primary School. There my father begged Master Har Phool 2. Basti refers to settlement. In the villages the huts would be built of mud, and usually people of the same caste would live side by side.
See these and other kinship terms listed in the glossary. My father went. He kept going for several days. Finally, one day I was admitted to the school.
The country had become independent eight years earlier. Although the doors of the government schools had begun to open for untouchables, the mentality of the ordinary people had not changed much. I was not allowed to sit on a chair or a bench.
I had to sit on the bare floor; I was not allowed even to sit on the mat. Sometimes I would have to sit way behind everybody, right near the door. From there, the letters on the board seemed faded. This was an absurd, tormented life that made me introverted and irritable. If I got thirsty in school, then I had to stand near the hand pump. They tried all sorts of strategies so that I would run away from the school and take up the kind of work for which I was born.
According to these perpetrators, my attempts to get schooling were not justifiable. Ram Singh and Sukkhan Singh were also in my class. In general, few adults are called simply by their first names. In northern India, where this autobiography is set, speakers always add the honorific ji as a courtesy suffix, because simply calling someone by a name is seen as presumptuous and rude; some people also believe that a name is something powerful, not to be taken lightly.
He had to stand near the pump and wait for someone from another caste who could touch the pump to notice and give him some water. The three of us studied together, grew up together, experienced the sweet and sour moments of childhood together.
All three of us were very good in our studies, but our extremely lower-caste background dogged us at every step. Barla Village also had some Muslim Tyagis who were called Tagas as well. The behavior of these Muslim Tagas was just like that of the Hindu Tagas. If we ever went out wearing neat and clean clothes, we had to hear their taunts that pierced deep inside, like poisoned arrows.
We were humiliated whichever way we dressed. I reached fourth class. Along with him had come another new teacher.
After the arrival of these two, the three of us fell on terrible times. They would thrash us at the slightest excuse. Ram Singh would escape once in a while, but Sukkhan Singh and I got beaten almost daily.